Semantics Gradability and degree modification

Kennedy and McNally (2005) present a typology of gradable predicates based on the properties of the scales along which these predicates order their arguments (or what we call their “scale structure”). Gradable predicates are classified along two parameters: whether the scale they use is open (lacks minimal or maximal values) or closed (has minimal or maximal values), and whether the standard of comparison for the predicate is relative (i.e. is fixed contextually) or absolute (a maximal or minimal value on the scale, irrespective of context).

A typical example of an open-scale, relative adjective is big: the general size scale lacks an upper limit, as shown by the impossibility of combining the adjective with the degree-modifying completely (see Hay et al. 1999); the fact that it accepts degree modification by very shows, according to Kennedy and McNally, that the adjective has a relative standard.

The case of the degree modifier very is interesting because its distribution is one of the classic diagnostics for distinguishing adjectives and adverbs from nouns and verbs: the former accept modification by very (when they meet an additional condition that Kennedy and McNally identify); the latter never do. This raises the question as to whether the distribution of very must make reference to both syntax and semantics, or whether the semantic condition is sufficient, with the failure of nouns and verbs to meet that condition being explainable on independent grounds. Jenny Doetjes’ contribution to this volume explores precisely this kind of question.