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قم بتسجيل الدخول اولاً لكي يتسنى لك الاعجاب والتعليق.

Movement Operations in Punjabi Questions

المؤلف:  Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng and Norbert Corver

المصدر:  Wh-Movement Moving on

الجزء والصفحة:  C6-P153

2026-11-08

23

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Movement Operations in Punjabi Questions

wh-phrases in Punjabi questions do not undergo long-distance movement (i.e., movement crossing a CP clause). Examples are repeated in (1). The only way to achieve a matrix question reading is through the scope-marking strategy, as shown in (1c). Unlike wh-phrases in Hindi, wh-phrases in Punjabi are not allowed to undergo long-distance movement, as shown in (1b).

(1)

(1a) is a grammatical sentence only under an embedded question reading. Now compare (1a) with (2), which is an ‘‘in-situ’’ version of rel-movement.

(2)

Even though the rel-phrase in (2) is overtly realized in the embedded clause, it does not lead to a deviant reading. The correct semantic interpretation can still be achieved by the highest unpronounced copy. On the other hand, in questions, the scope of a matrix question cannot be derived when the wh-phrase is overtly realized in an embedded clause. This fact suggests that the wh-phrase in (1a) does not move into the ma trix clause; therefore, there is no unpronounced copy left in the matrix clause. Hence, a matrix question reading is not available.

The ungrammaticality of (1b) further suggests that movement of a wh phrase in Punjabi is clause bound and that a null wh-operator does not exist; otherwise, we would expect a structure like (3) to be available in Punjabi.

(3)

What (1)–(2) show is that the scope of a question has to be marked overtly in Punjabi, as shown in (1c); however, this requirement does not hold in a relative clause. The facts presented here argue against the direct dependency approach as an explanation for the scope-marking strategy in Punjabi questions, in which the wh-phrase in the embedded clause moves at LF to replace the scope marker in the matrix clause. This leaves the other main analysis, the indirect dependency approach, which seems to be a more appropriate analysis for the facts presented here.

 Following Mahajan’s (2000) observation about Hindi questions, I argue that a successive-cyclic A ¯-movement through Spec,CPs is not available in Punjabi questions. The wh-movement examples in (4) and the rel movement examples in (5) demonstrate that the wh-phrase is not per mitted to move into Spec,CP (see (4c)), while the rel-phrase is (see (5b)).

(4)

(5)

The facts shown here support the argument that (1) rel-movement and wh-movement in Punjabi utilize distinct movement operations and (2) assuming the same operation for these two seemingly related constructions is not appropriate.

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