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تسجيل

Evidence from Raising and Expletive Replacement

المؤلف:  Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng and Norbert Corver

المصدر:  Wh-Movement Moving on

الجزء والصفحة:  C4-P84

2026-10-13

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Evidence from Raising and Expletive Replacement

Some intriguing facts that bear on this treatment of overt movement arise in the case of anaphor binding and negative polarity item (NPI) licensing. Consider the following examples from Lasnik 1995:

(1)

(2)

These examples show a contrast between raising and insertion of expletives with respect to reciprocal binding and NPI licensing. (1a) and (2a) clearly involve overt raising of some linguists and no good linguistic theories, whereas it is assumed that (1b) and (2b) involve covert feature movement to the neighborhood of the expletive (Chomsky 1995; Lasnik 1995). Lasnik, assuming that anaphoric interpretation and NPI licensing are governed by output conditions at LF, argues that the deviant status of examples like (1b) and (2b) can be explained if features of the associate related to anaphora/NPI licensing remain in a lower position than the expletive, even at LF. On the other hand, in (1a) and (2a) the relevant licensing features raise to a higher position. If the formal features that undergo checking are not responsible for anaphora/NPI licensing, then the contrasts above are easily captured. In (1b) and (2b), the category of the associate never raises to the expletive, even though a feature of the associate has moved for checking purposes. The examples show that the (non)application of Pied-Pipe may have an effect that is visible to LF, and they suggest that Pied-Pipe affects an object that is distinct from the object affected by Move F.